The Future of Race Relations

What does the election of Barak Obama as our first black President mean for the future of race relations in this country?   Does it mean the government will sponsor more programs and spend more money to help black citizens who have faced years of discrimination?    Or does the election of a black American to the highest office in the land demonstrate there is no longer a need for special programs to help black citizens?  

Within hours after the results of the election had been announced, I was reading about and hearing from people who were saying blacks have no more excuses for failing to make economic progress and for failing to close the income gap between whites and blacks.    Many think Obama’s election proves that black men and women who are willing to get a good education and work hard now have the same opportunities as their white counterparts.   In fact, some argue that blacks actually have an advantage over whites because of affirmative action and diversity programs that have the effect of favoring black students or black candidates for a job over white students or white candidates with equal or better qualifications. 

Juan Williams, a black political analyst for National Public Radio and Fox News, wrote a column after the election that stated in part:   “The emphasis on racial threats and extortion-like demands—all aimed at maximizing white guilt as leverage for getting government and corporate money—has lost its moment.  How does anyone waste time on racial fantasies like reparations for slavery when there is a black man who earned his way into the White House.” 

Then there is the issue of designing Congressional and state legislative districts to ensure that blacks can be elected to public office.   The Wall Street Journal contained a guest column on November 11, 2008 bearing the headline “Racial Gerrymandering is Unnecessary.”     The column was co-authored by Abigail Thernstrom, a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute, and Stephan Thernstrom, a professor of history at Harvard University.    The column began with the following sentences:   “The conventional wisdom among voting-rights advocates and political scientists has been that whites will not vote for black candidates in significant numbers.   Hence the need for federal protection in the form of race-based districts that create safe black constituents where black candidates are sure to win.   But the myth of racist voters was destroyed by this year’s presidential election.”   The concluding paragraph of the column said:  “American voters have turned a racial corner.  The law should follow in their footsteps.” 

It is clear that Obama’s election as our first black President will forever change the debate over race relations.   On the one hand, those who want to continue or possibly even increase government programs designed to help black people now have a strong friend in the White House.    On the other hand, the election of our first black President demonstrates there are no more artificial barriers to black upward mobility. 

I am not an expert in the area of race relations, and I have no idea how all of this will shake out in the end.   I am optimistic, however, that Obama’s election will represent a major turning point for black Americans.   Most Americans seem to agree.    In a poll conducted the day after the election, the Gallop organization found that more than two-thirds of Americans say Obama’s election as President is either the most important advance for blacks in the past 100 years, or among the two or three most important such advances.   The poll also concluded that Americans are strongly optimistic about the state of race relations in the United States.    After Obama's victory, 67% of Americans think a solution to relations between blacks and whites will eventually be worked out, the highest value Gallup has measured on this question.   Further, seven out of ten Americans believe that race relations in this country will get at least a little better as a result of Obama's election, including 28% who say they will get a lot better. 

What can Obama do as President to improve race relations?     Here my observations for whatever they are worth: 

(1)    In my opinion, Obama already has done the most important thing he can do to help young black men and women.    He has demonstrated there are no barriers to what they can achieve.    Racism did not die with Obama’s election, and there is no doubt that blacks will still face discrimination.    Obama has shown, however, that these obstacles can be overcome with a good education, hard work, and determination.   

(2)    Obama can continuously encourage young black men and women to  assume personal responsibility for their lives and to rely on their own resourcefulness rather than the government for their future happiness and financial security.   It appears to me that many black leaders in the past have hurt rather than helped young black men and women by convincing them they are victims of discrimination and have little chance of success in a racist society.   The victim mentality has resulted in a lack of motivation and in too much dependence on government.   By his example and his statements, Obama can change the culture of victimhood and encourage young men and women to establish high goals for themselves. 

(3)    Although politicians love to talk about equal opportunity for all, there is nothing Obama or the government can do to guarantee that all citizens will have equal opportunities.  The government’s role should be to enact laws, which we already have, to prevent discrimination on the basis of race.    Unless the government decides to undertake the responsibility of raising every child from birth, there will always be examples of children who have far fewer opportunities and advantages than other children of the same age and race.  Obama’s two daughters, for example, will always have a huge advantage over black children born to an unwed single mother who does not have an education, who is unemployed or has a minimum-income job, and who does not share the same culture and values as the Obama’s.    Life is not fair.   It never will be. 

(4)    Neither Obama nor the government can guarantee economic equality even for those who are born with the same opportunities.    Some people are born with more intelligence or are willing to work harder and take more risks than others.  There are many examples of two children, either black or white, who are born in the same family and raised by the same parents but who do not share the same intelligence, work ethic, ambition, or determination.   One child may become a successful businessman or professional who makes a good income, and the other may become a low-income employee who barely makes enough to get by.   There is nothing the government can do to change the facts of life.   Our country will be doomed if we eliminate the rewards for hard work and risk taking in effort to achieve economic equality, which is an unattainable goal.   

(5)    The key to continued advancement for black people is education.    As I have previously written on this blog, I believe there are two simple ways to improve the quality of our public education system—more parental involvement and more competition.    The first solution requires action by parents.   More parents, especially minority and low income parents, need to take an active role in insisting that their children place a high priority on getting a good education.  Unfortunately, many inner city schools have little or no parental involvement.    The problem lies with the culture in some segments of our society.   Obama can play an important role in changing a culture that does not value education.    The second solution to improving the quality of public education requires action by the government.  The government needs to permit more competition in the public education system.   In the past, Obama has opposed voucher programs designed to give parents a choice over where their children can attend school.   I hope Obama will reconsider his position on school choice.   I believe school choice programs would increase the educational opportunities for young black men and women whose parents cannot afford private schools.           

Progress in Race Relations

Like most Americans, I am extremely proud of our country for electing its first black President.    Although I disagree with Barak Obama on many issues, I am proud of him for breaking through a major barrier, and I am proud of the country for taking its biggest step so far toward achieving the goal of true racial equality. 

During my lifetime, I have witnessed unbelievable change and progress in the relations between white and black Americans.    I was born in 1945 exactly 13 days before the death of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt.   (I cried for days following Roosevelt’s death.)  

I grew up in a small town in Kentucky and attended segregated schools until the late 1950s.    The black citizens in my hometown lived on the other side of the railroad tracks in a section that both blacks and whites referred to as “colored town.”     There were at least four restrooms in the city hall, the county courthouse, and other public places—one for white men, one for “colored men,” one for white women, and one for “colored women.”     There were separate water fountains for white people and “colored” people.   The only movie theatre in town required whites to sit downstairs and blacks to sit in the balcony.   Whites and blacks seemed to get along well, but there was no social interaction between the races.   Although there were no outward signs of conflict, I am sure blacks must have felt extreme resentment and humiliation as a result of the discrimination they faced on a daily basis. 

Things begin to change in the late 1950s and early 1960s.   The schools were integrated, and whites and blacks played together on the same sports teams for the first time.    The town’s neighborhoods, however, remained segregated, and there was still little, if any, social interaction between the races. 

My parents had some racial prejudices, which was fairly common among white people in their generation.   But the “n” word was never used in my home, and I was taught never to make derogatory comments about black people.    My father was a small-town lawyer. He spent a considerable amount of time providing free legal services to poor people, both black and white.   He thought it was his personal and professional responsibility to help people who needed help, regardless of their race, and without the need to be paid for doing so.  

My paternal grandfather was a doctor in my hometown.  He treated everyone who walked through the door of his office without regard to his or her ability to pay.    My grandfather was frequently called to the country or to “colored town” in the middle of the night to deliver a baby.   He always answered the call even when he knew he would not be paid for doing so, except maybe receiving a chicken or some vegetables in appreciation.  When I was growing up, a black person would frequently approach me on the street and say, “your granddaddy delivered my baby” or “your granddaddy brought me into this world.”   I was always very proud to hear these comments. 

It was a different time.   My father provided free legal services to the poor, both black and white, long before Congress started spending taxpayer dollars to pay lawyers to provide legal services to the poor.   My grandfather provided health care to the poor, both black and white, long before the government started paying doctors under the Medicaid and Medicare programs as it does today.   My parents and grandparents lived modestly and did not seem to be obsessed with accumulating wealth or material possessions.  They had lived through the Great Depression, and their idea of a good life was having food to eat and a roof over their heads. 

My years in high school and college coincided with the peak period of the Civil Rights Movement.    I never marched in the streets or participated in protests, but I supported the goals of the Civil Rights Movement.   During my junior and senior years in college, I was Editor-in-Chief of The Kentucky Kernel, the daily student newspaper at the University of Kentucky.  I wrote numerous editorials supporting civil rights legislation and calling for an end to discrimination against black people.   When I graduated from the University of Kentucky in 1967, there were black players on the football team, but the basketball team still consisted solely of white players.         

I had been married for approximately nine months and was working in Washington, D.C. when Martin Luther King, Jr. was assassinated on April 4, 1968.   I was still at work in my downtown office when I heard the news of the assassination.   My wife called me and told me to leave for home because riots were breaking out in Washington and other cities.   I had to drive through the streets of Washington to get to our apartment in suburban Maryland.    I drove down streets where buildings were burning on both sides of the street and where black people were throwing bricks through store windows and at passing cars.    I don’t think I have ever been as scared before or since. 

I enrolled in Vanderbilt University’s School of Law in August of 1968.    My entering law school class included one black man and five white women.    The rest of the students were white men.    The black man and three of the women graduated with my class.   The black man was respected by his classmates and went on to become a partner in a well-respected Atlanta law firm.  He has had a very distinguished legal career and, among other things, has served on several corporate boards and as a member of the Board of Trustees of Vanderbilt University. 

After graduating from Vanderbilt Law School, I joined one of the largest law firms in Atlanta as an associate.  There were no women partners and no black partners when I joined the firm.   One of the young lawyers who joined the firm with me, however, was a black man who had graduated from Columbia University and Harvard Law School.   He stayed with the firm for only a few years, but during those years he was one of my best friends.   I ate lunch with him several times a week, and he was a frequent guest in my home.  Unlike me, he was not married, but he was a good host when I visited his home.   I even got to know his grandmother and aunt, who were great cooks, and my wife and I enjoyed some great comfort food in their home.   By this time, I believe any racial prejudices that had rubbed off on me during my childhood were gone. 

After I became a partner in my law firm, a black woman who was a newly hired associate in the firm was assigned to work with me on several projects.  The same woman, Leah Sears, is now the Chief Justice of the Georgia Supreme Court and has been mentioned as one of Barak Obama’s possible nominees to the United States Supreme Court.   Needless to say, I am very proud of Chief Justice Sears and my brief working relationship with her. 

During the last several decades, black people who obtained a good education and were willing to work hard have enjoyed opportunities that their parents could not even have imagined.    Blacks have served at the top levels in almost every profession.    Several of the nation’s largest companies, including Time Warner, American Express, and Merrill Lynch, have been led by Chief Executive Officers who were black.    In government, qualified black people have served in almost every capacity except President of the United States. 

Prior to the election of Barak Obama as our next President, the Office of Secretary of State was the highest and most important office in the federal government to be occupied by a black person.  During the last eight years, a black man, Colin Powell, and a black woman, Condoleezza Rice, have both served as Secretary of State.   In my opinion, the distinguished service of Powell and Rice helped pave the way for the election of our first black President.   When I see Powell or Rice on television, I do not see a black person.   I only see a loyal public servant trying to serve the country in the best way possible, and I feel completely comfortable with both of them.   I hope and think others feel the same way as I do.    Ironically, Powell and Rice were both appointed by President Bush.   

Obama’s election as our first black President is truly historic.   As a 63-year-old white male, I think this country has made remarkable progress in the area of race relations during my lifetime.    When I was growing into adulthood during the 1950s and 1960s, I could never have imagined that we would have a black President.   If I were a typical 63-year-old black person, however, I might recognize the progress but would probably feel with justification that the progress had come too slow and too late for me.  

I am sure some people, both black and white, voted for Obama because he was black, and there is no doubt that some people voted against Obama because he was black.   In light of our history as a country, I can understand a black person or a white person who was suffering from “white guilt” voting for Obama because he was black.  I could be wrong, but I think the large majority of people who voted against Obama did so because of his policies and political philosophy—not because of his race.   I look forward to the day when no one, black or white, will vote for or against a candidate for public office because of the color of his or her skin.   We are getting closer, but we are not there yet.   

Why McCain Lost

Under the circumstances currently facing the country, I don’t believe any Republican candidate could have won the Presidency this year.   George Bush, the current Republican president, has been extremely unpopular for a variety of reasons.    It was inevitable that his unpopularity would rub off on the Republican candidate, whoever he or she happened to be.    Moreover, the economy is facing its worst crisis since the Great Depression, and the sitting President and his party always seem to get the blame for a bad economy or the credit for a good economy, even though there are many other factors (including the decisions of the Federal Reserve Board) that have far more influence on the economy than the President.    In short, it was a bad year to be the Republican candidate for President. 

On the surface, John McCain was probably as strong a candidate as the Republicans could have nominated this year.    He has a reputation as a maverick and an independent thinker.   He has a strong record of acting in a bipartisan manner, unlike many other politicians who like to talk about the need for bipartisanship but who don’t have the record to support their rhetoric.   McCain had disagreed with President Bush and other members of his party on a number of major issues, including campaign finance reform, the original Bush tax cuts, climate change, interrogation methods, spending and earmarks, immigration reform, and the conduct of the war in Iraq prior to the surge, to name just a few.   Because of his independence and his willingness to disagree with his own party, McCain had always been a hero of the news media.   Despite these various advantages, McCain could not overcome the problems encountered by his campaign, some of which were of his own making and some of which were not.   Here are my views about why McCain lost his race for the Presidency: 

(1)    The most important reason McCain lost, of course, was the economy.   McCain was the Republican candidate for President at a time when the country was experiencing a serious economic meltdown and the sitting President was a Republican.    The various causes of the economic meltdown will be debated for years, and there is no doubt that President Bush and his Administration will and should share some of the blame.   But there were many other factors that contributed to the economic crisis, and some of them were well underway before Bush became President and some of them were outside of his control.   As Harry Truman said, however, “the buck stops here,” by which he meant the Oval Office.    

(2)    McCain ran a terrible campaign.   His campaign lacked focus and discipline.   He seemed to bounce around from issue to issue without having a primary theme for his campaign.    Instead of establishing his own agenda, he spent most of his time reacting to Obama or trying to exploit an issue identified for him by someone else, such as Joe the Plumber.  We all know that Barak Obama’s themes were “hope” and “change”.    Can anyone tell me McCain’s themes?     I can’t. 

(3)    The conservative wing of the Republican Party was never happy with McCain because of his independence.    Because of their unhappiness, McCain spent too much time and energy trying to win over the conservatives in his party rather than reaching out to independents and Democrats.    In my view, McCain was wasting his time trying to appeal to conservatives because they were not going to vote for Obama.    I suppose McCain was afraid the hard-core conservatives would stay home and not vote, but I think they would have voted for McCain if for no other reason than to vote against Obama.  McCain should have spent his time and energy trying to broaden the base of the Republican Party rather than trying to appeal to a very narrow base of voters.   President Reagan was successful because he broadened the base of the Republican Party.   Because of his background, McCain should have been able to do the same thing, but he failed to do so.  

(4)     McCain’s background and experience, which should have been an advantage, became a disadvantage at a time when the country was hungry for change and was looking for a new face and a different type of politician.   Likewise, McCain’s age was a disadvantage because his opponent was youthful and charismatic. 

(5)     In my opinion, McCain made a bad decision when he selected Sarah Palin as his running mate.   She appealed primarily to the social conservatives in the Republican Party, but these people, although unhappy with McCain, were probably going to vote for him anyway.   McCain needed a running mate who would appeal to a broader audience, who could attract Hilary Clinton’s supporters, or who could help McCain carry an important state with a lot of electoral votes.    The selection of Palin didn’t accomplish any of these objectives.    Moreover, the selection of Palin, who had no experience in foreign affairs or on the national political scene, made it much more difficult for McCain to use Obama’s lack of experience against him. 

(6)    Despite Obama’s victory and the strong gains in Congress by the Democratic Party, I think the large majority of voters in this country are still moderate to conservative.  I don’t believe most voters want a big and all-powerful government that is involved in every aspect of their lives.   As a result, I believe McCain should have had an advantage over Obama on the issues.  McCain was very ineffective, however, in explaining his positions and in linking them to a broader philosophy of government.   During the debates, McCain missed numerous opportunities to explain and justify his positions and to distinguish his positions from those being proposed by Obama. 

(7)    The news media loved McCain before he won the Republican nomination, but they turned against him during his campaign for the Presidency.  Prior to the election, the Pew Research Center’s Project for Excellence in Journalism conducted a study and concluded that “coverage of McCain has been heavily unfavorable—and has become more so over time.  In the six weeks following the conventions through the final debate, unfavorable stories about McCain outweighed favorable ones by a factor of more than three to one—the most unfavorable of all four candidates.”  

(8)     The country’s recent success in the war in Iraq was due in no small measure to McCain, who had been very critical of Bush’s conduct of the war and who urged a change in strategy in order to achieve victory rather than defeat.   McCain supported the troop surge, which was successful.    Ironically, the success of the troop surge took Iraq out of the news.    Numerous polls showed the majority of voters had more confidence in McCain than Obama as Commander-in-Chief.    But the success in Iraq combined with the economic meltdown had the effect of de-emphasizing the most significant issue on which McCain had an advantage over Obama. 

(9)     McCain made a major strategic mistake when he suspended his campaign for a few days and went back to Washington to deal with the financial crisis facing the country.   He did not demonstrate any leadership in dealing with the financial crisis, and it was never clear exactly where he stood.    

(10)    Finally, most people, including conservatives like me, are very disillusioned with the Republican Party.   The Republicans squandered a major opportunity when they controlled the Presidency and both Houses of Congress.  The Republican Party lost its soul, and it is still paying the price for its irresponsibility. 

In summary, it is possible that McCain never had a chance because of the country’s hunger for change and because he represented the Republican Party.   But McCain’s chances were further diminished by bad luck and an ineffective campaign.